Q. Despite India’s improving Gini Index ranking, inequality remains stark across multiple domains such as wealth, gender, and digital access. Critically examine the limitations of the Gini Index in capturing India’s true inequality and suggest measures to address these layered inequalities.
Introduction
The Gini Index, a widely used measure of income inequality, recently assigned India a score of 25.5, placing it among the world’s more equal societies. However, this statistical portrayal contradicts the lived experiences of inequality in wealth, gender, digital access, and education. While the Gini Index is effective for assessing income distribution, it fails to reflect structural, social, and opportunity-based disparities prevalent in India. Understanding this disconnect is crucial for designing policies aimed at inclusive and equitable development.
Body
- Wealth Inequality Hidden by Gini Limitations
- The top 1% of India’s population earned 22.6% of the national income in 2022–23 (Study: Income and Wealth Inequality in India, 1922–2023).
- The informal sector employs over 90% of India’s workforce (Periodic Labour Force Survey, 2022), whose earnings are often undocumented, skewing income data.
- India’s tax base covers less than 10% of adults, leaving vast swathes of the poor outside formal measurement frameworks.
- Gender Inequality in Economic and Social Participation
- The Female Labour Force Participation Rate (FLFPR) stands at just 35.9% (PLFS 2022–23).
- Women in leadership roles: Only 12.7% in 2024 occupy senior or middle management positions (LinkedIn Opportunity Index).
- Women-led startups account for only 7.5% of India’s active startup ecosystem (NASSCOM, 2024).
- Deep-rooted social norms in education and inheritance reinforce economic dependence.
- Digital Divide and Educational Inequality
- Only 53.9% of Indian schools have Internet access, and 52.7% have functional computers (UDISE+ 2023).
- Household broadband access is just 41.8% (TRAI, 2024), disproportionately affecting rural and low-income students.
- During pollution-related school closures in Delhi, students without home internet are excluded from virtual classes, widening educational gaps.
- Intersectionality: Inequality Compounding Across Realms
- Only 25% of rural women have access to the Internet vs 49% of rural men (NFHS-5, 2021).
- Digital exclusion reinforces gender inequality, limiting access to banking, job portals, and digital literacy.
- This interconnectedness of inequalities is often ignored in unidimensional indices like the Gini Index.
Way Forward
- Expand multidimensional poverty and inequality indices, integrating gender, digital, health, and education indicators (as done by UNDP’s MPI).
- Improve data transparency and coverage, especially for the informal sector and rural regions, via tech-enabled surveys.
- Scale-up Digital India, PM Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan, and BharatNet, ensuring digital equity for women and rural communities.
- Promote gender budgeting, enforce the Equal Remuneration Act, and ensure women’s ownership of digital devices and financial assets.
- Bridge educational inequality through infrastructure grants, teacher training, and device provisioning under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan.
Conclusion
India’s Gini ranking reflects statistical optics, not socio-economic reality. True equality lies not in numbers alone, but in universal access to opportunity, voice, and dignity. Bridging the multi-layered divides—economic, gendered, and digital—requires systemic policy innovation and deeper measurement frameworks. Only then can India claim its place among the truly equitable societies.
UPSC Syllabus Linkage
- GS Paper II: Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population, issues relating to development and management of social sectors/services.
- GS Paper III: Inclusive growth and issues arising from it; digital divide; economic development and employment.
Previous Year Questions Linkage
- 2023: Despite various government interventions, inequality persists in India. Examine the causes and suggest policy interventions.
- 2021: Multidimensional poverty is a more accurate measure than income-based poverty. Discuss with reference to India.
- 2019: How far do government schemes ensure social justice in India? Examine.
Sources
- ASI (2022–23), PLFS (2022–23), NFHS-5, NITI Aayog Multidimensional Poverty Report (2023), UDISE+ (2023), TRAI (2024), UNDP MPI (2023), NASSCOM (2024)
Q. Despite a decade since the enactment of the POSH Act, 2013, Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs) remain ineffective in curbing workplace sexual harassment. Critically examine the challenges and suggest reforms for better implementation of the law.
Introduction
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, popularly known as the POSH Act, was enacted following the public outcry after the Nirbhaya incident (2012). It institutionalised the formation of Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs) to address sexual harassment complaints at workplaces. However, recent incidents such as the Balasore tragedy (2024) highlight deep structural and operational issues in the functioning of ICCs across India.
Body
- Legal Framework and Mandate of ICCs
- Originates from the Vishaka Guidelines (1997) laid down by the Supreme Court.
- POSH Act mandates:
- Establishment of ICCs in all workplaces with over 10 employees.
- Provision of Local Complaints Committees (LCCs) for the unorganised sector.
- ICC to be headed by a senior woman employee, with members from social work/legal fields and at least 50% women representation.
- ICCs have civil court powers and must complete the inquiry within 90 days.
- Confidentiality, victim support, and penal actions are mandated for proven cases.
- Challenges in Implementation
- Poor Coverage and Compliance:
- SC in Dec 2024 noted “serious lapses” in POSH implementation.
- Annual compliance reports from ICCs and LCCs often not submitted or analysed.
- Many private and public institutions have no functional ICCs.
- Lack of Training and Sensitisation:
- In the Balasore case, ICC members were found ill-trained and biased, undermining justice.
- Training on gender sensitivity, power dynamics, and law interpretation is often missing.
- Structural Gaps and Ambiguous Accountability:
- POSH is under Women and Child Development Ministry, while employers are regulated by Labour and Industries Ministries, creating accountability vacuum.
- District Officers, who are meant to monitor compliance, lack oversight mechanisms and dedicated resources.
- Confidentiality and Retaliation Issues:
- Breach of confidentiality often leads to victim intimidation or withdrawal.
- Fear of reputation loss or professional backlash deters women from reporting.
Way Forward
- Strengthen Monitoring and Accountability:
- Assign single nodal ministry for oversight with regular audits and national compliance dashboard.
- Enforce mandatory filing of annual POSH compliance reports and publish summary data.
- Capacity Building and Training:
- Make training of ICC members mandatory and periodic.
- Promote gender sensitisation campaigns across workplaces.
- Ensure Legal Clarity and Support:
- Define clear redressal timelines, escalation matrix, and whistleblower protection.
- Provide legal aid and counselling support to victims.
- Technology and Transparency:
- Create a secure online portal for POSH complaint tracking and anonymous reporting.
- Encourage third-party audits to assess ICC functioning.
Conclusion
The POSH Act is a landmark legislation, but its promise remains largely unfulfilled due to weak implementation, poor oversight, and lack of institutional commitment. Unless workplaces take proactive steps to foster gender-sensitive environments, ICCs risk becoming symbolic bodies. For India’s workplaces to be truly inclusive and safe, POSH must be implemented in both letter and spirit.
Link to UPSC GS Mains Syllabus:
- GS Paper II – Governance & Social Justice
- Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors
- Mechanisms, laws, institutions for protection of vulnerable sections
- Role of NGOs and civil society
- GS Paper I – Indian Society
- Role of women and women’s organizations
Previous Year UPSC Mains Questions:
- 2021 (GS II): Reforming the criminal justice system is key to ensuring justice. Analyse with respect to the protection of women.
- 2019 (GS I): Empowering women is the key to controlling population growth. Discuss.
- 2017 (GS II): Examine the scope of Fundamental Rights in addressing workplace harassment in India.
Sources:
- Ministry of Women and Child Development – POSH Guidelines, 2023
- Supreme Court Judgment Review on POSH Implementation, December 2024
- NCRB Report 2023 – Crimes against Women
- National Commission for Women (NCW) Complaints Data
- Partners for Law in Development Report, 2024
Q.Critically examine the implications of criminalising consensual sexual relations among adolescents under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. Should legal reforms be introduced to balance child protection with evolving social realities?
Introduction:
The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 was enacted to safeguard children below the age of 18 from sexual abuse. However, a growing number of cases involving consensual sexual activity between adolescents aged 16 to 18 years have exposed the legal and ethical dilemmas associated with criminalising adolescent behaviour under this law. Recent submissions to the Supreme Court by Senior Advocate Indira Jaising and judicial commentary have reignited the debate on whether the Act needs reform to better reflect contemporary adolescent realities.
Body:
- Current Legal Framework:
- The POCSO Act treats anyone below 18 as a child, and thus consent is legally invalid in sexual matters.
- Under Section 6 of POCSO and Section 63 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), even consensual relations among teenagers can attract stringent punishment.
- The Law Commission Report (2023) recommended “guided judicial discretion” instead of altering the age of consent, highlighting the complexity of reform.
- Judicial Interpretations and Ground Realities:
- Madras High Court (2021) in Vijayalakshmi v. State recommended an age-gap threshold (not more than 5 years) for consensual adolescent relationships to prevent misuse.
- Courts across India have quashed or granted bail in numerous POCSO cases involving mutual teenage relationships, citing lack of exploitative intent.
- Data from National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB 2022) shows that nearly 23% of POCSO cases involved consensual relations among teenagers.
- Social and Developmental Concerns:
- Adolescents, typically aged 16–18, are at a stage of psychosexual maturity. Criminalising their actions can lead to:
- Psychological trauma, stigma, and criminal records for both parties.
- Parental misuse of POCSO provisions to oppose inter-caste or inter-religious relationships.
- Overburdening of judicial infrastructure with non-exploitative cases.
Way Forward:
- Legislative Reforms:
- Introduce a limited exception in POCSO and BNS for consensual sex among adolescents aged 16–18, with judicial safeguards.
- Establish a legal framework for “close-in-age” exemptions, as seen in Canada or select U.S. states.
- Education and Awareness:
- Integrate Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) in school curricula to promote informed decision-making.
- Conduct awareness campaigns on the legal provisions of POCSO and consequences of early sexual activity.
- Protective Oversight:
- Maintain mandatory reporting and investigation in all cases, but allow the judiciary to differentiate consensual from exploitative acts using contextual evidence.
Conclusion:
The POCSO Act was a progressive step toward protecting children, but its application must evolve with societal changes and adolescent development science. Criminalising consensual relationships among adolescents is both counterproductive and unjust. Balancing legal safeguards with empathetic interpretation is the key to upholding both protection and rights of young individuals in a rapidly modernising society.
Link with Previous Year UPSC Questions:
- GS Paper II (2021): “Laws, institutions and bodies constituted for the protection and betterment of vulnerable sections have failed in delivering the intended results.” Discuss with reference to POCSO.
- GS Paper II (2019): “The role of family, society and educational institutions in inculcating values.”
- GS Paper II (2022): “Child rights and protection require holistic legal reform, not punitive overreach.” Elaborate.
Link to UPSC GS Mains Syllabus:
- GS Paper II:
- Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the Centre and States and the performance of these schemes.
- Issues relating to development and management of social sector/services relating to Health, Education, Human Resources.
- Mechanisms, laws, institutions and bodies constituted for the protection and betterment of vulnerable sections.
Sources:
- Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012
- Law Commission of India Report (2023)
- NCRB Crime in India Report 2022
- Madras High Court Judgment – Vijayalakshmi v. State (2021)
- Indira Jaising’s submission in Nipun Saxena v. Union of India, 2024
- UNICEF Report on Adolescent Sexuality and Legal Responses (2020)
Q. In the context of low adoption rates in India despite millions of children without parental care, critically examine whether India should relax its adoption procedures. Suggest reforms to ensure a balance between child protection and ease of adoption.
Introduction
India, home to over 3.1 crore orphaned or abandoned children as per the 2020 World Orphan Report, has paradoxically low legal adoption rates. As of early 2024, data from the Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA) shows that for every adoptable child, there are 13 registered adoptive parents, but only 2,000 children are currently in the legal adoption pool. This mismatch raises a crucial policy question: Should India relax its adoption procedures to address this gap?
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Understanding the Root Cause:
- Mismatch of expectations: Most prospective parents prefer infants and healthy children, whereas children available are often older or have special needs.
- Procedural checks not the main delay: Experts argue that adoption processes are essential for safeguarding against trafficking and not the cause of delays.
- Under-identification of adoptable children: Many abandoned or shelter-residing children are not declared legally free due to bureaucratic delays, lack of due diligence, or poor data systems.
Why Not Relax Procedures?
- Risk of child trafficking: Relaxed regulations may increase illegal adoptions, as seen in other countries. CARA’s checks ensure that “a family is found for a child”, not vice versa.
- International precedents: Several nations have faced lawsuits where children were trafficked under the guise of adoption.
- Weak institutional capacity: Lack of counseling, home study rigor, and follow-ups means that hurried adoptions, especially of special needs children, can lead to re-abandonment.
Critical Gaps Needing Reform:
- Shelter integration: Children in non-CARA shelters must be systematically evaluated and digitized to identify those eligible for adoption.
- Training for prospective parents: There’s no mandatory counseling or training like international adoption protocols have.
- Immediate Placement List misused: Often used by impatient parents unprepared to adopt children with special needs, resulting in emotional harm and re-abandonment.
- Inadequate post-adoption support: Mental health, medical, and legal support structures for adopted children and parents are lacking.
Way Forward
- Digitize and integrate all child shelters with CARA systems at the district level, using open-source tools to flag potentially adoptable children.
- Make training & counseling mandatory before adoption, especially for those considering special needs or older children.
- Strengthen Child Welfare Committees (CWCs) to ensure quicker decision-making and legal clearance for children.
- Post-adoption support ecosystem involving medical, psychological, and legal experts should be institutionalized.
- Sensitization campaigns to encourage adoption of older children and those with special needs.
Conclusion
The solution to India’s adoption crisis is not in relaxing procedures, but in strengthening and speeding up existing legal and institutional mechanisms. Adoption must remain child-centric, rooted in the principles of protection, dignity, and secure placement. Balancing procedural integrity with systemic efficiency is key to ensuring that no child needing a home is left behind.
Previous Year UPSC Questions Linkage
- GS II (2022): “Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the Centre and States and the performance of these schemes.”
- GS II (2020): “Child welfare schemes often fail to reach the most vulnerable children.” Discuss with examples.
- GS II (2018): “How far do you agree with the view that the focus on the rights of children in India has shifted from protection to participation?”
Relevant Syllabus
GS Paper II
- Governance, transparency and accountability
- Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections and issues relating to development and management of social sector services
- Statutory bodies – CARA (Central Adoption Resource Authority)
Sources:
- Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA), Annual Report 2023-24
- Ministry of Women and Child Development
- 2020 World Orphan Report
- The Hindu (Interview, July 2024)
- UNICEF India – Child Protection Dashboard
Q. Critically examine the key features of the National Cooperation Policy 2025. How does it aim to strengthen inclusive growth, especially for Dalits, Adivasis, and women in India’s development narrative?
Relevant Syllabus
GS Paper II
- Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors
- Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population
- Issues relating to development and management of social sectors/services related to poverty and employment
GS Paper III
- Inclusive growth and issues arising from it
Introduction
On July 25, 2025, the Union Government unveiled the National Cooperation Policy 2025, the first comprehensive policy for the sector since 2002. Spearheaded by the Ministry of Cooperation, the policy seeks to integrate 50 crore citizens, especially Dalits, Adivasis, and women, into the cooperative economy, leveraging their participation as a means of inclusive development and socio-economic empowerment.
Body
Key Features of the National Cooperation Policy 2025:
- Inclusivity at the Core: The policy places marginalized groups (Dalits, Adivasis, women) at its centre, seeking to bridge the capital and opportunity gap through cooperatives.
- Six Strategic Pillars:
- Strengthening the cooperative foundation
- Promoting vibrancy and competitiveness
- Preparing cooperatives for the future (digital and green economy)
- Expanding reach and inclusivity
- Entry into new sectors (e.g., green energy, insurance, tourism)
- Youth-centric cooperative education and skilling
- Sectoral Expansion: Focused plan to bring cooperatives into taxi services, insurance, tourism, and green energy, with immediate action in taxi and insurance sectors.
- Empowerment through PACS: Ensures that profits from expanded sectors flow back to Primary Agricultural Credit Societies (PACS), bolstering rural capital.
- Institutional Capacity Building: Efforts to enhance digital infrastructure, regulatory simplification, and modern cooperative governance structures.
Why Cooperation Matters for Inclusive Growth:
- Employment Generation: Cooperatives create decentralized livelihoods, especially in underserved rural and tribal areas.
- Women Empowerment: Cooperative credit models help Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and women-led enterprises scale sustainably.
- Tribal & Dalit Development: Facilitates ownership and collective bargaining, essential for communities historically excluded from formal markets.
- Bridging the Capital Gap: Helps recently uplifted beneficiaries of government welfare schemes to convert basic amenities into upward mobility, e.g., owning two-wheelers or home appliances.
Way Forward
- State-Level Reforms: Encourage states to align cooperative laws with the new policy, ensuring local implementation.
- Capacity Building: Invest in training, skilling, and cooperative education, particularly for women and tribal youth.
- Technology Integration: Create a Unified Cooperative Digital Platform to monitor performance, ensure transparency, and improve outreach.
- Monitoring & Evaluation: Establish robust KPIs to track inclusion, financial viability, and sectoral spread of cooperatives.
Conclusion
The National Cooperation Policy 2025 reflects a bold shift from welfare to participatory economic empowerment. By centering the cooperative movement around Dalits, Adivasis, and women, the policy holds the potential to democratize development and deepen socio-economic equity. Its success, however, will depend on sustained political will, state cooperation, and grassroots mobilization.
Previous Year UPSC Mains Questions Linkage
- GS II (2023): “The success of welfare schemes depends on community participation.” Discuss in the context of cooperative models.
- GS III (2020): “How far do you think cooperation, not competition, should be the approach for India’s economic development?”
- GS II (2018): “How can cooperative federalism strengthen inclusive growth in India?”
Sources
- Ministry of Cooperation, Government of India, Policy Launch Document 2025
- Press Information Bureau (PIB), July 2025 Briefing
- Economic Survey 2024–25 – Chapter on Inclusive Development
- NITI Aayog Reports on Cooperatives and Rural Economy
- The Hindu, July 25, 2025 – National Cooperation Policy Analysis
Q. "The Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 reflects growing executive overreach in the name of security, threatening India's democratic and constitutional ethos." Critically examine in light of the freedom of speech and association guaranteed by the Constitution.
Introduction:
The Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024, introduced by the Maharashtra government, aims to curb the activities of organisations alleged to be Maoist fronts. However, it has sparked concerns over its potential misuse and erosion of constitutional freedoms, particularly Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of speech) and Article 19(1)(c) (freedom to form associations). It reflects a wider trend of laws being used to target dissent in the guise of national security.
Body:
- Key Features of the MSPS Bill, 2024:
- Empowers the State to declare any organisation “unlawful”.
- Covers actions including speeches, writings, signs, or visual representations deemed to “menace public order”.
- Offences are cognisable and non-bailable, allowing arrests without warrants.
- Punishment includes 2–7 years imprisonment and fines up to ₹5 lakh.
- Concerns about Constitutional Overreach:
- The definition of “unlawful activity” is broad and vague, potentially criminalising legitimate dissent.
- It undermines the Supreme Court’s interpretation of Article 19, which allows restrictions only on specific grounds such as sovereignty, integrity, public order, etc.
- Echoes misuse of laws like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and Sedition Law, where the process itself becomes punishment.
- Violates principles of natural justice – no clear mechanism for appeal or independent review.
- Comparative Context:
- Similar laws in Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Odisha have led to bans on 48 Naxal-linked groups.
- However, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) 2023 data shows a conviction rate of only 2% under UAPA, underscoring misuse and wrongful arrests.
- Political Response:
- Despite its dangers, the Bill passed with limited opposition—only the CPI(M) MLA protested in the Assembly.
- Opposition parties later raised concerns in the Legislative Council, albeit too late.
Way Forward:
- Clearer Definitions: The Bill must define “unlawful activities” and “public order threats” in narrower, objective terms.
- Judicial Oversight: Establishment of independent tribunals or judicial review boards to oversee “unlawful” designations.
- Safeguards for Dissent: Protect freedom of expression and association, ensuring peaceful critique is not criminalised.
- Periodic Review: Sunset clauses or periodic legislative reviews should be mandated to prevent long-term misuse.
- Capacity Building: Focus on de-radicalization through education, employment, and civic participation rather than punitive laws.
Conclusion:
India’s strength lies in its identity as an open, democratic society that tolerates dissent and diversity of opinion. Laws like the MSPS Bill, 2024, while aimed at maintaining internal security, must strike a constitutional balance between public order and fundamental rights. Without robust safeguards, such legislation risks sliding into authoritarianism, eroding the very principles the Constitution seeks to uphold.
Syllabus Linkage:
- GS Paper II:
- Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States
- Issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure
- Important aspects of governance, transparency, and accountability
- Role of civil services in democracy
Previous Year Questions Linkage:
- UPSC CSE Mains 2021 (GS II):
- “To what extent, in your view, the Parliament is able to ensure accountability of the executive in India?”
- UPSC CSE Mains 2020 (GS II):
- “Critically examine the role of civil society in strengthening democratic values in India.”
- UPSC CSE Mains 2017 (GS II):
- “Examine the scope of fundamental rights in the light of the latest judgment of the Supreme Court on the Right to Privacy.”
Sources:
- Maharashtra Government Bill Text (2024)
- NCRB Crime in India Report 2023
- Indian Express & The Hindu Editorials (2024)
- Constitution of India – Article 19
- Supreme Court judgments: Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962)
Q. "The Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 reflects growing executive overreach in the name of security, threatening India's democratic and constitutional ethos." Critically examine in light of the freedom of speech and association guaranteed by the Constitution
Introduction:
The Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024, introduced by the Maharashtra government, aims to curb the activities of organisations alleged to be Maoist fronts. However, it has sparked concerns over its potential misuse and erosion of constitutional freedoms, particularly Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of speech) and Article 19(1)(c) (freedom to form associations). It reflects a wider trend of laws being used to target dissent in the guise of national security.
Body:
- Key Features of the MSPS Bill, 2024:
- Empowers the State to declare any organisation “unlawful”.
- Covers actions including speeches, writings, signs, or visual representations deemed to “menace public order”.
- Offences are cognisable and non-bailable, allowing arrests without warrants.
- Punishment includes 2–7 years imprisonment and fines up to ₹5 lakh.
- Concerns about Constitutional Overreach:
- The definition of “unlawful activity” is broad and vague, potentially criminalising legitimate dissent.
- It undermines the Supreme Court’s interpretation of Article 19, which allows restrictions only on specific grounds such as sovereignty, integrity, public order, etc.
- Echoes misuse of laws like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and Sedition Law, where the process itself becomes punishment.
- Violates principles of natural justice – no clear mechanism for appeal or independent review.
- Comparative Context:
- Similar laws in Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Odisha have led to bans on 48 Naxal-linked groups.
- However, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) 2023 data shows a conviction rate of only 2% under UAPA, underscoring misuse and wrongful arrests.
- Political Response:
- Despite its dangers, the Bill passed with limited opposition—only the CPI(M) MLA protested in the Assembly.
- Opposition parties later raised concerns in the Legislative Council, albeit too late.
Way Forward:
- Clearer Definitions: The Bill must define “unlawful activities” and “public order threats” in narrower, objective terms.
- Judicial Oversight: Establishment of independent tribunals or judicial review boards to oversee “unlawful” designations.
- Safeguards for Dissent: Protect freedom of expression and association, ensuring peaceful critique is not criminalised.
- Periodic Review: Sunset clauses or periodic legislative reviews should be mandated to prevent long-term misuse.
- Capacity Building: Focus on de-radicalization through education, employment, and civic participation rather than punitive laws.
Conclusion:
India’s strength lies in its identity as an open, democratic society that tolerates dissent and diversity of opinion. Laws like the MSPS Bill, 2024, while aimed at maintaining internal security, must strike a constitutional balance between public order and fundamental rights. Without robust safeguards, such legislation risks sliding into authoritarianism, eroding the very principles the Constitution seeks to uphold.
Syllabus Linkage:
- GS Paper II:
- Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States
- Issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure
- Important aspects of governance, transparency, and accountability
- Role of civil services in democracy
Previous Year Questions Linkage:
- UPSC CSE Mains 2021 (GS II):
- “To what extent, in your view, the Parliament is able to ensure accountability of the executive in India?”
- UPSC CSE Mains 2020 (GS II):
- “Critically examine the role of civil society in strengthening democratic values in India.”
- UPSC CSE Mains 2017 (GS II):
- “Examine the scope of fundamental rights in the light of the latest judgment of the Supreme Court on the Right to Privacy.”
Sources:
- Maharashtra Government Bill Text (2024)
- NCRB Crime in India Report 2023
- Indian Express & The Hindu Editorials (2024)
- Constitution of India – Article 19
- Supreme Court judgments: Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962)
Q. In light of recent Supreme Court judgments, critically examine the need to revisit the provisions of the POCSO Act that criminalise all adolescent sexual relationships. Suggest reforms for a more child-sensitive legal framework in India.
Introduction
The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, was enacted to safeguard children from sexual exploitation. It defines a child as anyone below 18 years and criminalises all sexual activity involving them, irrespective of consent. However, recent judgments, including Re: Right to Privacy of Adolescents (2025), have raised critical questions on whether blanket criminalisation of adolescent relationships serves justice or violates adolescent rights and autonomy.
Body
Judicial Evolution and Case Context
- The Supreme Court, under Article 142, declined to sentence a man convicted under Section 6 of POCSO, recognising the victim’s agency, now an adult who had fought to reunite with her partner.
- This followed the Calcutta High Court’s 2022 verdict which reversed the conviction, citing lack of criminal intent and socio-economic context.
- The Court-appointed Expert Committee highlighted that the trauma stemmed from institutional response, not the relationship itself.
Statistical and Empirical Evidence
- Enfold Study (2020): Of 7,064 POCSO judgments across three states, 24.3% involved romantic relationships, and in 82% of these, the victim declined to testify against the accused.
- Another study (2022) by Enfold and P39A found 25.4% of POCSO Section 6 cases involved consensual adolescent relationships.
Legal and Social Contradictions
- The age of consent was increased from 16 to 18 in 2012, despite UNCRC’s General Comment 20 urging states not to criminalise non-exploitative, consensual acts between peers.
- Adolescents in rural and marginalised settings may choose early marriages due to poverty, social stigma, or lack of opportunities, asserting agency in a constrained environment.
- The Bombay High Court (Aakash Waghmare v. State of Maharashtra, 2025) refused to quash such cases, reflecting the judiciary’s discomfort with case-based relief over structural reform.
Way Forward
- Reform the POCSO Act: Introduce a “close-in-age” exemption (e.g., 16–18 years consensual relationships with partners within 5 years of age).
- Differentiate between exploitative and non-exploitative cases, with harsher penalties for abuse by persons in positions of trust.
- Integrate adolescent sexuality and reproductive health in school curricula, as directed by the Supreme Court.
- Strengthen Juvenile Justice implementation, ensuring rehabilitative, not punitive support systems.
- Create clear prosecutorial guidelines, to prevent misuse of law in consensual cases initiated due to parental objection or community pressure.
Conclusion
The Re: Right to Privacy of Adolescents case exposed the disconnect between legal frameworks and adolescent realities in India. While protecting children from abuse remains non-negotiable, criminalising normative adolescent behaviour risks violating rights, dignity, and long-term welfare. A nuanced, reform-oriented approach that distinguishes coercion from consent and focuses on support and education is essential for true justice.
Link to UPSC Syllabus:
- GS Paper II: Mechanisms, laws, institutions and Bodies constituted for the protection and betterment of vulnerable sections
- GS Paper I (Society): Role of women and women’s organization; social empowerment; poverty and developmental issues
Relevant Previous Year Questions (PYQs):
- UPSC GS II 2021: “Critically examine the role of the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights in ensuring the rights of children.”
- UPSC GS II 2019: “Children with disabilities are among the most marginalized and excluded. Discuss the measures to integrate them into mainstream society.”
- UPSC GS I 2023: “Discuss the changing nature of child rights and protection laws in India.”
Sources:
- Supreme Court Judgment in Re: Right to Privacy of Adolescents, May 2025
- Enfold and Project 39A studies on POCSO, 2020–2022
- POCSO Act, 2012
- Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015
- UNCRC General Comment No. 20 (2016)
- Ministry of Women and Child Development Annual Report 2024
Q. The implementation of Community Forest Resource Rights (CFRR) under the Forest Rights Act, 2006 has been impeded by bureaucratic resistance and colonial-era forest governance models. Critically evaluate the challenges and suggest a way forward for ensuring gram sabhas’ autonomy in forest management.
Introduction
The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, recognises the Community Forest Resource Rights (CFRR) of gram sabhas to protect, conserve and manage forests traditionally used by them. This provision was meant to correct the historical injustice of colonial forest governance which alienated forest-dwelling communities. However, recent actions by forest departments — such as Chhattisgarh’s now-withdrawn order assuming nodal status — reveal an ongoing conflict between statutory empowerment of communities and bureaucratic control.
Body
Challenges in CFRR Implementation
- Administrative Overreach: The Chhattisgarh forest department attempted to override gram sabhas’ authority by mandating model plans and excluding NGOs and other departments from assisting communities — a violation of the FRA’s decentralised vision.
- Colonial Legacy of Working Plans: Forest management still follows “scientific forestry” rooted in timber maximisation. These working plans, based on the National Working Plan Code (NWPC), often conflict with community-led conservation.
- Lack of Capacity and Support: Of the 10,000+ gram sabhas granted CFR titles, fewer than 1,000 have prepared management plans (MoTA, 2024). This is due to lack of funding, capacity-building, and institutional support.
- Vacillating Government Stance: While MoTA’s 2015 guidelines allowed simple planning formats, its 2024 joint letter with MoEFCC backtracked by suggesting NWPC compliance, thereby undermining community autonomy.
Ecological and Social Concerns
- Inappropriate Forest Science: NWPC prioritises timber yield and abstracts ecosystem complexities, while gram sabhas focus on livelihoods, climate resilience, and ecosystem conservation.
- Legal Violations: Enforcing NWPC in CFRR areas violates Section 5 of the FRA which empowers gram sabhas to prepare and implement their own plans.
Way Forward
- Reject NWPC Imposition: MoTA must uphold FRA’s spirit by resisting bureaucratic attempts to dilute gram sabha control.
- Strengthen Support Systems: Allocate financial and technical resources to gram sabhas for participatory planning and monitoring.
- Build Ecological Literacy: Encourage locally rooted, adaptive forest science over top-down, timber-centric approaches.
- Institutionalise People’s Plans: Adopt flexible formats like those introduced under the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (2023), enabling iterative and context-based planning.
- Ensure Legal Compliance: Ensure that CFRR implementation aligns with FRA provisions and not other outdated codes.
Conclusion
The FRA’s vision of democratic forest governance through gram sabhas is a departure from the extractive colonial legacy. Realising this vision demands not only legal clarity but also institutional humility, political will, and a paradigm shift in forest science. CFRR must not be reduced to a procedural formality — it must become the foundation of ecological justice, local livelihoods, and inclusive conservation.
Link to UPSC Syllabus
- GS Paper II:
- Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors
- Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure
- Devolution of powers and finances up to local levels and challenges therein
- GS Paper III:
- Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation
- Environmental impact assessment
- Land reforms and use of natural resources
Relevant Previous Year UPSC Mains Questions
- GS II (2023): “Discuss the role of Gram Sabha in the implementation of the Forest Rights Act, 2006.”
- GS III (2020): “How far do you agree that the Forest Rights Act, 2006 has empowered forest dwellers in India?”
- GS II (2018): “Assess the importance of the Panchayat system in India as a part of local self-governance.”
Sources:
- Ministry of Tribal Affairs Annual Report (2024)
- National Working Plan Code, MoEFCC (2023)
- FRA, 2006 – Section 3(1)(i) and Section 5
- Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (2023), PIB
- Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE) Policy Briefs
Q. The effective disenfranchisement of internal migrants in India poses a serious challenge to electoral inclusion. Examine the issues involved and evaluate the possible mechanisms for enabling voting rights for migrant workers.
Introduction
India’s democracy is built on the principle of universal adult suffrage, yet millions of internal migrants are functionally disenfranchised due to systemic and logistical barriers. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, voter turnout in Bihar stood at just 56%, significantly below the national average of 66%, in part due to the inability of migrants to return home to vote. With migration rates at 28.9% (Census 2021) and 10% of India’s population migrating for work, the exclusion of migrants from electoral participation reflects a critical governance deficit in ensuring political inclusion.
Body
- Challenges Faced by Migrant Voters
- Inability to Return to Vote
Migrants, especially inter-State and low-wage workers, cannot afford to return to their native constituencies due to economic and logistical constraints. - Lack of Documentation
Many workers lack address proof or stable housing in their destination cities, preventing voter registration there. - Administrative and Legal Barriers
Existing frameworks do not accommodate the mobility of labour within the electoral system, leading to de facto disenfranchisement.
- Mechanisms to Enable Migrant Voting
- Remote Electronic Voting Machines (RVMs)
- 2023 pilot project by ECI modified EVMs to support up to 72 constituencies.
- Challenges: Opposition from political parties, concerns over identification, administrative burden of advance notifications, and enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct.
- Significance: First serious attempt by the ECI to address migrant voting barriers.
- Postal Ballots
- Already used for armed forces and senior citizens.
- Could be extended to registered migrants through advance application.
- Advantage: Logistically simpler than RVMs.
- Limitation: Requires massive operational coordination and timely delivery.
- Switching Voting Constituency
- Suitable for long-term migrants (6+ months residency).
- Helps integrate migrants into local politics and governance.
- Challenge: Resistance from local populations fearing dilution of local identity.
- Potential: Empowers migrants politically and drives policy responsiveness.
- Intra-State Migrant Support
- 85% of migrants are intra-State.
- Policy Support: Strict enforcement of poll-day holiday, special bus services for facilitating return to home constituency.
- Women Migrants Post-Marriage
- Enrolment drives to register women in new constituencies post-marriage to prevent exclusion.
Way Forward
- Multi-Pronged Strategy
Use a composite approach — combine RVMs for mobile labour, postal ballots for distant migrants, and enrolment in current constituencies for settled workers. - Strengthen Electoral Infrastructure
Invest in data systems for real-time migrant tracking and secure identification protocols. - Targeted Awareness Campaigns
Create information drives among migrant workers to inform them of voting rights and procedures. - Institutional Coordination
Strengthen collaboration between ECI, Labour Ministry, and Urban Local Bodies to identify and reach migrant populations.
Conclusion
Migrants form the backbone of India’s economic structure but remain excluded from political participation. Ensuring their electoral inclusion is not just a question of democratic principle, but of social justice and responsive governance. A well-coordinated, technologically enabled, and inclusive approach is essential to realize the constitutional promise of universal franchise.
Syllabus Mapping
- GS Paper II:
- Governance: Mechanisms for the protection of vulnerable sections
- Polity: Electoral reforms and institutions
- Social Justice: Issues relating to poverty and development
Previous Year Question Linkage
- UPSC GS II 2019: “What are the challenges to electoral reforms in India? Discuss measures to overcome them.”
- UPSC GS II 2017: “Examine the scope of Fundamental Rights in the context of the rights of migrant labour.”
Q. "Recent legal judgments in the UK and India highlight the complexities in ensuring rights for transgender individuals while balancing societal concerns." Discuss the implications of such legal interpretations on transgender rights, with reference to India’s Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.
Introduction:
The UK Supreme Court’s recent ruling that only biological women qualify as “women” under the Equality Act 2010 has reignited debates on transgender rights globally. Similarly, India’s Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, while progressive, faces criticism for inadequate safeguards. These legal developments underscore the tension between gender identity recognition and societal resistance.
Implications of Legal Interpretations on Trans Rights:
- Exclusionary Definitions:
- The UK judgment restricts transwomen from accessing women-only spaces, reinforcing binary gender norms. This contrasts with India’s 2014 NALSA v. Union of India judgment, which recognized transgender people as a third gender under Article 14 and 21.
- Issue: Legal definitions that exclude transgender individuals from protections can perpetuate discrimination.
- Impact on Sports and Public Spaces:
- The UK ruling affects transgender participation in sports, citing “fair competition.” Similar debates exist in India, where transgender athletes face exclusion despite the 2019 Act.
- Concern: Without neutral/unisex spaces, trans persons face marginalization in hospitals, prisons, and workplaces.
- India’s 2019 Act: Progress and Gaps:
- Progress: The Act prohibits discrimination in employment, education, and healthcare (Section 3). It also mandates welfare measures.
- Gaps:
- No explicit marriage/adoption rights.
- Weak penalties for violence against trans persons (only 2 years imprisonment under Section 18).
- Lack of clarity on reservation (unlike the UK’s Equality Act protections).
- Societal Backlash vs. Rights:
- The UK case saw resistance after a transwoman convict was placed in a women’s prison. In India, cultural stigma persists despite legal recognition.
- Need: Sensitization and inclusive policymaking, as seen in Scotland’s initial push for gender reforms under Nicola Sturgeon.
Way Forward:
- India: Strengthen the 2019 Act by incorporating NALSA guidelines on self-identification and affirmative action.
- Global Lessons: The UK’s EHRC must ensure neutral spaces, while India should adopt similar safeguards in public infrastructure.
Conclusion:
Legal frameworks must evolve to balance transgender rights with societal concerns, ensuring dignity and equality. India’s Act, though a step forward, requires reforms to match constitutional ideals and global best practices.
Analysis of Linkages:
- GS-I (Social Issues): Discusses transgender marginalization and empowerment.
- GS-II (Polity): Examines legal protections and gaps in Indian/UK laws.
- GS-II (IR): Comparative study of transgender rights jurisprudence.
Syllabus Link:
- GS-I: Social Empowerment (Issues related to transgender rights)
- GS-II: Governance, Constitution, and Polity (Laws for vulnerable sections, Equality Act interpretations)
- GS-II: International Relations (Comparative analysis of transgender rights in UK and India)
Previous Year Questions:
- 2021: “Examine the challenges faced by the transgender community in India. How far has the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 addressed these challenges?” (GS-I, 10 Marks)
- 2019: “Discuss the constitutional provisions for the protection of transgender rights in India.” (GS-II, 15 Marks)
- 2017: “The rights of transgender persons are human rights. Comment.” (GS-II, 10 Marks)
Q. "Discuss the significance of annual reports submitted by the National Commissions for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Analyze the implications of delays in their submission and tabling in Parliament."
Introduction
The National Commissions for SCs (NCSC), STs (NCST), and OBCs (NCBC) are constitutional bodies mandated to monitor safeguards for marginalized communities. Their annual reports assess policy implementation and recommend corrective measures. However, delays in submitting and tabling these reports undermine transparency and accountability.
Significance of Annual Reports
- Constitutional Mandate:
- Under Articles 338, 338-A, and 340, these commissions must submit annual reports to the President, reviewing safeguards for SCs, STs, and OBCs.
- Example: NCSC’s past reports influenced reservation policies and creamy-layer criteria.
- Policy Formulation:
- Reports highlight gaps in welfare schemes (e.g., scholarships, land rights, employment).
- Example: NCST’s 2017-18 report exposed displacement issues in tribal areas, prompting rehabilitation policies.
- Accountability Mechanism:
- Reports are laid in Parliament with Action Taken Reports (ATRs), ensuring government accountability.
Reasons for Delay
- Procedural Lags:
- ATRs require inter-ministerial consultations, delaying tabling (e.g., NCST’s 2018-23 reports pending).
- Resource Constraints:
- Commissions lack manpower and funding for timely report preparation (as noted by a former NCST official).
- Low Political Priority:
- Nodal ministries (e.g., Ministry of Social Justice) may deprioritize tabling reports due to lack of electoral urgency.
Implications of Delay
- Erosion of Trust:
- Non-tabling violates Right to Information (RTI) and undermines public confidence.
- Policy Paralysis:
- Delayed recommendations stall reforms (e.g., OBC sub-categorization pending due to NCBC report delays).
- Judicial Interventions:
- Courts may intervene, as seen in the Madras HC’s 2021 directive to release NCSC reports.
Way Forward
- Strengthen Commissions:
- Allocate dedicated funds and manpower for report drafting.
- Digital Transparency:
- Upload reports online proactively (as done by the Finance Commission).
- Strict Timelines:
- Enforce mandatory deadlines for ATRs, akin to CAG reports.
Conclusion
Timely submission and tabling of annual reports are vital for inclusive governance. Addressing delays will uphold constitutional commitments to marginalized communities and reinforce democratic accountability.
Syllabus Link:
- GS-II: Statutory, Regulatory, and Various Quasi-Judicial Bodies
- GS-II: Welfare Schemes for Vulnerable Sections
- GS-II: Transparency & Accountability in Governance
Previous Year Questions (PYQs) Reference:
- “The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) has been instrumental in safeguarding the rights of tribal communities. Discuss its role and challenges.” (UPSC Mains 2020, GS-II)
“Examine the effectiveness of constitutional safeguards
Q. “Cases of rape registered on the premise of false promise of marriage have been controversial, with the introduction of Section 69 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) raising concerns about its redundancy. Critically examine the judicial limitations on such cases and analyze the implications of Section 69 within the framework of Indian Penal Law.”
Introduction:
The issue of rape cases registered on the premise of a false promise of marriage has long been a point of contention in Indian jurisprudence. The debate centers on whether consent in such cases can be vitiated by the promise of marriage, and to what extent the legal framework accounts for the agency of women in these circumstances. The introduction of Section 69 in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 has added a new dimension to this debate, distinguishing it from the traditional definition of rape under the Indian Penal Code (IPC). This essay aims to critically examine the judicial limitations imposed on such cases and the implications of Section 69 in addressing false promises of marriage in the context of sexual offences.
Body:
- Judicial Limitations on False Promise of Marriage Cases:
The judicial approach to rape cases based on false promises of marriage has evolved over time, with the Supreme Court providing specific guidelines to narrow the scope of such accusations. One key limitation is the distinction between a false promise of marriage and a breach of promise. In the landmark case of Anurag Soni v. The State of Chhattisgarh (2019), the Court ruled that merely making a promise to marry, even if not fulfilled, does not amount to rape unless there was no intention from the outset to fulfill the promise. The case underlined that the accused’s intent at the time of making the promise is crucial.
Further, the Court in Rajnish Singh @ Soni v. State of U.P. (2025) clarified that prolonged consensual physical relationships could not automatically be attributed to a false promise, especially if the complainant’s actions were motivated by factors like love or passion, rather than deceit. The Abhishek Arjariya v. State of Madhya Pradesh (2025) case reinforced this principle, holding that if the woman was already married, her consent in the context of a false promise was not vitiated under misconception of fact.
- Section 69 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023:
Section 69 of the BNS was introduced to address cases of sexual intercourse resulting from a false promise of marriage. However, it has been critiqued for its potential redundancy. Section 69 defines the offence of sexual intercourse under a false promise of marriage, categorizing it as a separate offence with lesser punishment compared to rape under Section 63 of the BNS or Section 375 of the IPC. However, this provision does not alter the underlying principles of consent as defined in the IPC, which already includes “misconception of fact” as a ground for vitiating consent.
The main issue with Section 69 lies in its redundancy—since a false promise of marriage can already be considered a misconception of fact under the existing rape laws. The absence of a non-obstante clause and the failure to carve out an exception in Section 63 to exclude such cases from the definition of rape makes Section 69 constitutionally questionable. This could potentially violate the right to equality under Article 14 of the Constitution, as it creates an artificial distinction between rape and cases involving false promises of marriage, despite their commonalities.
- The Way Forward:
To address the limitations and potential redundancy of Section 69, a more nuanced approach should be adopted. A preliminary inquiry mechanism should be instituted before charging an individual in cases involving false promises of marriage. This would help in distinguishing cases of deceit from those involving genuine intentions that failed due to unforeseen circumstances. It would also save time for courts and prevent unnecessary hardship to the accused.
Additionally, a clearer legislative framework is needed to reconcile the provisions of Section 69 with the existing rape laws, possibly by explicitly excluding these cases from the scope of rape under the IPC or by introducing a more specific category of offence. This would ensure that the law provides clarity and fairness, without diluting the seriousness of sexual offences.
Conclusion:
In conclusion, while the introduction of Section 69 of the BNS was intended to address the issue of sexual intercourse based on false promises of marriage, it raises significant concerns about redundancy and constitutional validity. The judicial limitations in cases involving false promises of marriage highlight the importance of distinguishing between genuine misunderstandings and deliberate deceit. To ensure justice and fairness, a more refined legislative approach is required, one that balances the protection of women’s rights with the need for clear and effective legal provisions. By establishing a preliminary inquiry process and refining the scope of Section 69, the legal system can better address these complex cases while safeguarding the rights of both the accused and the victim.
Linking to Syllabus and Previous Years’ Questions:
This topic is relevant to the General Studies Paper II of the UPSC Mains, particularly in the areas of Governance, Constitution, Polity, Social Justice, and International Relations. It involves the intersection of law, gender justice, and constitutional rights, which has been a recurring theme in previous years’ papers.
Previous Years’ Questions:
- “Critically examine the need for reforms in the law relating to rape in India. What role does consent play in these reforms?” (2022)
- “Discuss the judicial approach towards the interpretation of rape laws in India, with emphasis on consent and misconception of facts.” (2020)
- “Examine the constitutional validity of new criminal provisions in the light of judicial precedents.” (2018)
Q.Recent budgetary restrictions on MGNREGS spending have sparked concerns about the weakening of rural employment guarantees. Critically examine the significance of MGNREGS in rural development and the implications of fiscal throttling on its effectiveness.
Introduction:
The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), enacted in 2005, is a demand-driven wage employment programme guaranteeing 100 days of unskilled work to rural households. It has been instrumental in offering livelihood security, reducing distress migration, and enhancing rural infrastructure. However, the recent move by the Finance Ministry to cap expenditure at 60% of the annual budget for the first half of FY 2025–26 has raised concerns about fiscal throttling of the programme.
Body:
- Importance of MGNREGS in Rural India:
- Rural Livelihood Support: In FY 2023–24, 6.8 crore households availed employment under MGNREGS (Source: MGNREGA MIS Portal).
- Social Safety Net: Especially critical during crises — e.g., MGNREGS provided 389 crore person-days during COVID-19 lockdown in 2020–21.
- Women Participation: Over 56% of workers in 2023–24 were women, promoting gender-inclusive rural employment.
- Asset Creation: Contributed to rural roads, water conservation structures, and afforestation.
- Key Concerns Arising from Recent Budget Cuts and Policy Shifts:
- Pending Dues: As of April 2025, dues worth ₹21,000 crore remain unpaid, leading to delayed wages and demotivated workers (Ministry of Rural Development data).
- Fiscal Cap (60% in H1): Limits state implementation flexibility and undermines the demand-based nature of the scheme.
- Aadhaar-Based Payment Issues: Compulsory use of the Aadhaar-Based Payment Bridge System (ABPS) has led to delays and exclusions, especially in remote tribal areas (CAG Report 2023).
- Stagnant Wages: Wages under MGNREGS remain below state minimum wages in many regions — averaging around ₹250 per day, while experts demand a hike to ₹400 per day to match inflation and actual rural cost of living.
- Implications of Fiscal Throttling:
- Undermines Constitutional Mandate: Weakens the statutory obligation under the MGNREGA Act, which guarantees work on demand.
- Reduces Rural Consumption: Lower rural incomes can suppress aggregate demand and hurt economic recovery in rural areas.
- Administrative Paralysis: State governments face difficulties in planning and provisioning due to uncertainty in fund flows.
- Erosion of Trust: Continued delays and budget mismatches may erode public trust in the state’s welfare architecture.
Way Forward:
- Remove Fiscal Caps: Restore demand-driven funding mechanism and ensure prompt release of funds to states.
- Wage Revision: Align MGNREGS wages with the state minimum wages and index them to inflation.
- Flexible Digital Systems: Make ABPS optional, and strengthen grievance redressal mechanisms to avoid exclusion.
- Ensure Time-Bound Payments: Enforce the 15-day wage rule with compensation for delays under Section 3(3) of the Act.
- Public Accountability Audits: Strengthen social audits, community participation, and transparency in implementation.
Conclusion:
MGNREGS remains a cornerstone of India’s rural welfare architecture. Attempts to restrict its scope through fiscal planning undermine its legal mandate and socio-economic utility. A rights-based approach, responsive governance, and adequate financial provisioning are essential to rejuvenate the scheme and support the aspirations of rural India.
Syllabus Linkage – GS Paper II:
- Government schemes for vulnerable sections
- Welfare schemes and performance analysis
- Issues related to poverty and hunger
- Role of civil services in service delivery
Relevant Previous Year Questions (PYQs):
- GS II (2023): Do you think MGNREGS is a strategic tool to address rural poverty and unemployment? Discuss the constraints in its effective implementation.
- GS II (2020): “Implementation of MGNREGA has failed to achieve its objectives.” Discuss the reasons and suggest measures.
- GS II (2015): The rights-based approach to development offers a viable alternative to the welfare-based approach. Comment.
Q. "Aadhaar-Voter ID linkage, though aimed at de-duplication, raises critical concerns around privacy, exclusion, and democratic integrity. Examine these concerns in light of constitutional provisions and suggest a way forward."
Introduction
The Election Commission of India (ECI), in its drive to clean electoral rolls, initiated the Aadhaar-Voter ID linkage through Form 6B. Though presented as voluntary, the coercive nature of implementation has raised constitutional, legal, and ethical concerns, especially about the Right to Privacy, Right to Vote, and free and fair elections.
This question echoes themes raised in PYQs such as the 2021 question on the constitutional nature of the right to vote and the 2018 concern on Aadhaar’s link to exclusion.
Body
- Violation of Fundamental Rights
- Right to Privacy (Article 21): The Puttaswamy judgment (2018) recognized privacy as intrinsic to life and liberty. Mandatory Aadhaar linkage violates informed consent.
- Right to Vote (Article 326): Making Aadhaar a precondition for voting risks mass disenfranchisement, as seen in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh (2015) with 55 lakh voters deleted arbitrarily.
- Procedural Fairness (Natural Justice): As held in Lal Babu Hussein v. Electoral Officer (1995), deleting names without notice violates due process.
- Technical and Legal Pitfalls of Aadhaar
- Not Proof of Citizenship: Aadhaar is based on residency, not citizenship (Section 9, Aadhaar Act), making it legally unsound for electoral purposes.
- Database Errors: CAG report (2022) found duplications and invalid entries, questioning Aadhaar’s reliability.
- UIDAI under Executive Control: Sharing data with UIDAI compromises the ECI’s constitutional independence, violating the principle of separation of powers.
- Risk of Surveillance and Electoral Manipulation
- Voter Profiling & Microtargeting: Cross-linking Aadhaar data enables digital surveillance, voter suppression, and manipulation—antithetical to free and fair elections.
- Exemptions under Digital Personal Data Protection Act (2023) allow the state apparatus unchecked access, bypassing accountability.
Way Forward
- Strengthen Traditional Verification
- Booth-Level Officer (BLO) Verification: Physical door-to-door surveys remain more inclusive and democratic.
- Social Audits & Grievance Redressal: Independent reviews of deletions and robust mechanisms for re-enrollment.
- Legal Safeguards and Judicial Oversight
- Limit Aadhaar Use: As per the Puttaswamy judgment, restrict Aadhaar to welfare benefits, not electoral identity.
- Parliamentary and Judicial Oversight: Enact statutory protections and ensure independent review before deletions.
- Comparative Learning
- Global Models: Countries like the UK and USA verify voters through address and signature-based checks, not biometric databases.
Conclusion
The Aadhaar-Voter ID linkage, though well-intentioned, has become a digital dragnet that threatens constitutional rights and electoral integrity. To uphold the spirit of universal adult suffrage and democratic fairness, India must prioritize offline, participatory, and transparent verification methods over a flawed and coercive digital solution.
Value-Addition Points
- Ethical Dilemma: Should the state mandate digital identity for exercising democratic rights?
- Constitutional Query: Does exclusion from electoral rolls violate the basic structure doctrine?
- Scholarly View: “Electoral integrity must be measured not by the absence of duplicates, but by the inclusion of every eligible voice.” – Anonymous electoral scholar.
Syllabus Linkage
- Governance: Electoral system and reforms, functioning of the Election Commission of India.
- Polity: Fundamental Rights – Right to Privacy, Universal Adult Suffrage.
Social Justice: Digital governance, exclusion, and surveillance in welfare delivery.
Q. "Affirmative action through political representation is vital for dismantling systemic marginalisation and ensuring inclusive governance." In light of Tamil Nadu's initiative to reserve seats for persons with disabilities in local bodies, critically examine the role of affirmative action in empowering marginalised communities in India.
Introduction:
Affirmative action in democratic societies aims to redress historical injustices and offer equitable opportunities to marginalised groups. India, through constitutional mandates and legal mechanisms, has strived to empower disadvantaged communities. Tamil Nadu’s recent legislative move to guarantee representation of persons with disabilities (PwDs) in local self-government institutions marks a significant step in inclusive governance, further extending the scope of affirmative action beyond traditional caste and gender lines.
Body:
- Linking with Constitutional and Legal Framework:
- Article 15(4) and 16(4) provide for special provisions for advancement of socially and educationally backward classes and reservation in public employment.
- 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments mandate reservation for SCs/STs and women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Urban Local Bodies (ULBs).
- Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 mandates equal opportunities and non-discrimination in all spheres of life, including political participation.
- Tamil Nadu’s Initiative – A Paradigm Shift:
- Provisions to nominate over 13,000 PwDs in local bodies across village, block, and district levels.
- Amending Tamil Nadu Panchayats Act and Urban Local Bodies Act to institutionalise this representation.
- Ensures presence of PwD voices in grassroots governance, shifting from tokenism to active leadership.
- Importance of Political Representation in Empowerment:
- Builds self-confidence and visibility for the marginalised.
- Enables policy framing from the lens of lived experiences, leading to more effective local development.
- Helps in challenging stereotypes, stigma, and invisibility often faced by PwDs.
- Lessons from Women’s Reservation Experience:
- Positive outcomes: increased female participation, policy shifts in health, sanitation, and education.
- Challenges: emergence of ‘proxy leadership’, where male relatives exercise control.
- Important to ensure that PwD representatives exercise actual power, not symbolic participation.
- Broader Implications for Social Justice and Governance:
- Sets a national precedent—encouraging other States and even Parliament to consider such steps.
- Strengthens participatory democracy, making governance more inclusive and representative.
- Enhances institutional legitimacy, especially at the grassroots.
Way Forward:
- Capacity Building & Leadership Training for PwD representatives to ensure effective participation.
- Independent monitoring mechanisms to prevent manipulation or tokenism.
- Inclusive electoral reforms at the national level to provide horizontal reservations for PwDs in legislatures.
- Collaboration with civil society and advocacy groups to provide continuous support and feedback loops.
Conclusion:
Tamil Nadu’s bold move expands the horizon of affirmative action in India. While reservations for women and caste groups have altered India’s governance architecture, inclusion of PwDs in elected bodies could be the next frontier of social justice. For a true democracy, representation must be broad-based and reflective of its diverse populace. Ensuring such transformative policies are implemented effectively, and not merely symbolically, will be the key to real empowerment.
Syllabus Linkage:
- GS Paper II:
- Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population
- Mechanisms, laws, institutions and bodies constituted for the protection and betterment of these vulnerable sections
- Issues relating to development and management of social sector/services relating to health, education, and human resources
- Important aspects of governance, transparency, and accountability
Relevant Previous Year Questions (PYQs):
- UPSC 2023 GS Paper II: “Despite the Constitutional mandate, the implementation of the policy of reservations for local self-government institutions remains far from satisfactory. Examine the causes and suggest remedies.”
- UPSC 2019 GS Paper II: “Do you agree that regionalism in India appears to be a consequence of rising cultural assertiveness? Argue.”
- UPSC 2018 GS Paper II: “In the light of recent controversy regarding the use of Electronic Voting Machines (EVM), what are the challenges before the Election Commission of India to ensure the trustworthiness of elections in India?”
- UPSC 2017 GS Paper II: “‘The local self-government system in India is structurally and functionally deficient.’ Discuss.”
Q. Discuss the implications of the recent ruling by the UK Supreme Court regarding the definition of a ‘woman’ under the Equality Act 2010. How does this judgment affect transgender rights, and what challenges do such legal interpretations pose for gender inclusion in society?
Introduction:
On April 16, 2025, the UK Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment in the case of For Women Scotland Ltd. (Appellant) vs The Scottish Ministers (Respondent), interpreting the Equality Act 2010 (EA 2010). The ruling clarified that the legal definition of a ‘woman’ under the Act refers specifically to biological women and not transwomen, even those with a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). This decision has far-reaching implications on the protection of transgender rights, sparking debates on gender inclusion and the balance between legal protection of biological and trans women.
Body:
- The Ruling and Its Interpretation:
The court’s judgment focused on the statutory interpretation of the terms ‘woman’ and ‘sex’ within the EA 2010, which is designed to protect individuals from discrimination based on sex and gender reassignment. The court ruled that these terms refer only to biological women and biological sex, which effectively excludes transwomen from the definition of ‘woman’ for most legal purposes. The ruling has sparked concerns that it may limit the scope of protections for transgender individuals, particularly in areas like access to women-only spaces, such as toilets, changing rooms, and sports. - Impact on Transgender Rights:
The judgment has been viewed as a setback for trans inclusion by campaigners. Transgender individuals and their advocates argue that the ruling undermines their rights by stripping away essential legal protections and pushing for a narrow understanding of sex and gender. For instance, it prevents transwomen from being considered equal participants in women’s sports and access to women-only spaces. While the Gender Recognition Act 2004 remains in place, ensuring trans people’s rights in areas such as marriage and pensions, the court’s decision has limited the scope of equality protections under the Equality Act 2010. - Challenges for Gender Inclusion:
The case raises significant challenges for the broader societal and legal understanding of gender. Gender, as a concept, is increasingly viewed as a spectrum rather than a binary classification of male and female. Legal interpretations that anchor gender identity to biological sex ignore the fluid nature of gender identity, leaving many individuals, particularly non-binary and transgender people, in legal limbo. Countries like Hungary and the United States have already seen similar moves to restrict transgender rights, with policies that treat gender as a binary. India’s Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, faces criticism for similar issues, where rigid legal processes overshadow the lived realities of the transgender community. - International Context and Reactions:
International human rights bodies, including the UN, have emphasized the need to recognize gender diversity and eliminate discrimination against transgender individuals. In contrast, the UK’s ruling adds to a growing global trend of restricting transgender rights, where political and legal systems grapple with defining gender and protecting the rights of marginalized groups.
Way Forward:
- Reform of Legal Frameworks:
Legal systems worldwide need to adapt to a more inclusive understanding of gender that acknowledges the spectrum of identities beyond the male-female binary. Countries should consider revising their laws to ensure that transgender individuals are fully protected from discrimination, not just in areas like employment but also in access to healthcare, housing, and public services. - Inclusivity in Gender Laws:
While the UK judgment provides clarity on the definition of a ‘woman’ in the context of biological sex, there is an urgent need for laws to be restructured in a way that balances the rights of both cisgender and transgender individuals. Gender recognition laws should be more flexible, and rights should be inclusive of the entire spectrum of gender identities, recognizing both transmen and transwomen as equal in legal terms. - Engaging in Public Discourse:
Public discourse around gender identity needs to evolve towards greater inclusivity and understanding. Governments, civil society, and the legal community must engage with the concerns of transgender people to develop frameworks that reflect the diversity of gender experiences, without exclusion or marginalization.
Conclusion:
The UK Supreme Court’s ruling on the definition of a ‘woman’ under the Equality Act 2010 has profound implications for transgender rights and gender inclusivity. While the decision clarifies legal interpretations, it has sparked a crucial debate on the protection of trans people’s rights, particularly in the context of spaces and opportunities traditionally reserved for biological women. To move forward, a more inclusive legal framework that respects the lived experiences of all gender identities is essential for ensuring equality and social justice for all individuals, regardless of their gender identity.
Link to Previous Year’s Questions:
This question can be linked to previous years’ UPSC Mains questions related to Gender Justice and Human Rights. For example, questions such as:
- “Discuss the role of the judiciary in protecting the rights of women in India.” (UPSC Mains 2021)
- “What are the legal and constitutional provisions for the protection of the rights of the transgender community in India?” (UPSC Mains 2020)
Q. "Discuss the key measures suggested by the National Task Force on the Mental Health Concerns of Students and Prevention of Suicides in Higher Educational Institutions. Analyze the challenges and propose a way forward for strengthening mental health support systems in Indian educational institutions."
Introduction:
Mental health concerns among students, particularly in higher educational institutions, have become a significant challenge in India. The National Task Force on Mental Health Concerns of Students and Prevention of Suicides, formed by the Supreme Court, has taken a critical step in addressing this issue. The second meeting of the Task Force highlighted several preventive measures and reforms needed to create a supportive academic environment. This essay discusses the key initiatives proposed by the Task Force, analyzes the challenges involved, and suggests a way forward.
Body:
The second meeting of the National Task Force focused on tackling mental health issues and preventing suicides among students in higher educational institutions. The Task Force formed three working groups, each tasked with addressing specific aspects of the issue. The key areas of focus include:
- Identifying Predominant Causes of Student Suicides:
Academic pressure, discrimination, financial burdens, and the stigma surrounding mental health are some of the primary causes contributing to student suicides. These factors often lead to high levels of stress, anxiety, and depression, which exacerbate the mental health crisis in educational institutions. - Assessing Existing Welfare and Mental Health Policies:
The Task Force aims to analyze the effectiveness of current student welfare and mental health regulations. This includes reviewing existing laws, policies, and practices to identify gaps and shortcomings in providing adequate mental health support. - Proposing Reforms for Strengthening Institutional Frameworks:
One of the main objectives of the Task Force is to propose reforms to strengthen institutional frameworks. These reforms would involve improving counseling services, creating awareness programs, reducing stigma, and integrating mental health education into academic curriculums.
Additionally, the Task Force has proposed the development of a portal for data collection, dissemination of questionnaires to gather feedback from students, and the coordination between various departments like the Department of School Education, Union Health Ministry, and educational institutions.
Challenges:
While the measures proposed by the Task Force are commendable, several challenges remain in their effective implementation. These include:
- Stigma Surrounding Mental Health:
Despite increasing awareness, mental health issues are still often stigmatized in India. Students may hesitate to seek help due to the fear of being judged or misunderstood. Addressing this stigma requires a significant cultural shift, which is a long-term challenge. - Inadequate Infrastructure:
Many educational institutions lack the infrastructure and trained professionals to provide comprehensive mental health support. There is also a shortage of counselors, psychologists, and mental health experts, especially in smaller institutions and rural areas. - Financial Constraints:
Financial constraints in educational institutions, coupled with the financial pressure on students, can undermine efforts to improve mental health support. There needs to be a more sustainable allocation of funds to support mental health initiatives. - Overburdened Academic Systems:
The competitive nature of education, especially in institutions like IITs, IIMs, and medical colleges, places excessive academic pressure on students. Reforming the academic system to reduce stress and promote holistic development is essential.
Way Forward:
To effectively address the mental health crisis among students, the following steps can be taken:
- Strengthening Mental Health Education:
Mental health education should be integrated into the curriculum at all levels of education. Awareness programs, workshops, and seminars should be conducted regularly to destigmatize mental health issues and encourage students to seek help. - Enhanced Collaboration Between Institutions and Health Authorities:
There should be a closer collaboration between educational institutions and the Union Health Ministry to ensure a unified approach to mental health. This could involve setting up dedicated mental health teams in universities and colleges. - Capacity Building and Training:
Institutions should invest in training faculty and staff to recognize early signs of mental health issues in students. Additionally, schools and colleges should have well-equipped counseling centers with qualified professionals. - Review and Strengthen Existing Policies:
Existing mental health policies should be reviewed, and reforms should be introduced based on the findings of the Task Force. The implementation of these policies should be monitored regularly to ensure their effectiveness.
Conclusion:
The National Task Force’s efforts to address mental health concerns and prevent suicides in higher educational institutions are a crucial step towards improving student well-being in India. While the challenges are significant, a multi-pronged approach involving awareness, infrastructure development, policy reforms, and financial support can create a more supportive academic environment. A commitment from all stakeholders—students, faculty, mental health professionals, and policymakers—is essential to reduce the burden of mental health issues among students and prevent tragic outcomes like suicides.
Q. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 envisions a transformative shift in India’s higher education system from a siloed to a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary model. Critically examine the key challenges in achieving this transformation and suggest a roadmap for implementing this vision effectively.
Introduction:
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 aims to reform India’s higher education landscape by promoting large multidisciplinary institutions and integrating cross-disciplinary and interdisciplinary research and pedagogy. This marks a significant departure from the existing siloed and fragmented education system. While the intent is commendable, the road to implementation is fraught with structural, academic, and financial challenges.
Body:
- Understanding the Vision:
- Multidisciplinarity refers to the coexistence of various disciplines within an institution without integration.
- Cross-disciplinarity encourages collaboration across disciplines without merging methods or frameworks.
- Interdisciplinarity goes a step further by integrating methods, concepts, and theories from different disciplines to address complex, real-world problems.
- Key Challenges in Implementation:
- a) Structural Limitations:
- Over 35% of higher education institutions are single-stream colleges (e.g., B.Ed-only), making clustering and multidisciplinary expansion difficult.
- Establishing one multidisciplinary university per district by 2030 requires massive infrastructure investment and planning.
- b) Governance and Coordination:
- Institutional clustering demands not only academic cooperation but also administrative integration—often hindered by bureaucratic inertia and inter-institutional competition.
- c) Academic Ecosystem Challenges:
- Faculty trained in narrow specialisations may resist collaboration or lack the experience to engage in interdisciplinary teaching and research.
- Current curricula often discourage students from venturing beyond their core disciplines.
- d) Research and Publication Bottlenecks:
- Integrated research often struggles to find suitable journals or funding platforms.
- Faculty engaged in interdisciplinary work face disadvantages in hiring and promotions under traditional disciplinary metrics.
- e) Financial Constraints:
- Sustainable cross-disciplinary programmes need long-term funding.
- Public spending must be reprioritized to fund new models such as research fellowships, innovation hubs, and collaborative research centres.
- Roadmap for Effective Implementation:
- a) Institutional Transformation:
- Gradual phasing out of single-stream institutions and creation of multidisciplinary clusters.
- Prefer single-campus multidisciplinary universities for efficiency in administration and research.
- b) Curricular and Pedagogical Reform:
- Encourage cross-enrollment of students in diverse courses.
- Design courses that integrate insights from multiple disciplines (e.g., “Class and Economic Change in Indian Cinema”).
- c) Capacity Building:
- Faculty development programs to equip educators with tools for interdisciplinary teaching.
- Promote exchange programs and cross-department workshops.
- d) Funding and Incentives:
- Establish a national-level fund for interdisciplinary research on the lines of the US NSF’s IGERT program.
- Provide incentives for developing interdisciplinary centres and long-term research projects.
- e) Regulatory Reforms:
- Overhaul faculty hiring and promotion policies to reward interdisciplinary contributions.
- Create accreditation frameworks that support multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary benchmarks.
Conclusion:
Transforming India’s higher education system in line with NEP 2020 requires more than structural changes; it demands a cultural and academic shift. While the vision aspires to emulate the best practices of global education systems, its success hinges on sustained investment, regulatory foresight, and fostering a spirit of collaboration and openness in academia. Only then can India nurture institutions that are capable of solving the complex problems of the 21st century through integrated, interdisciplinary knowledge.
Q. "The impending readjustment of Lok Sabha seats based on the new Census has sparked concerns about equitable representation, especially between northern and southern states. Critically analyze the challenges and suggest a fair formula for seat readjustment while upholding constitutional principles."
Introduction
The readjustment of Lok Sabha seats, mandated under Article 82 of the Constitution, is set to take place after the 2026 Census. Currently, seat allocation is frozen at the 1971 population levels, but post-2026, it will reflect current demographics. This has raised concerns, particularly among southern states, which have controlled population growth effectively, as they may lose political representation relative to northern states with higher population growth. The debate centers on balancing demographic realities with equitable federal representation.
Body
- Constitutional Mandate and Current Concerns
- Article 81 mandates that seat allocation be based on population, ensuring proportional representation.
- However, freezing seat numbers since 1971 (via the 42nd Amendment) has led to a skewed ratio, as states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar saw exponential growth, while southern states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu stabilized their populations.
- If seats are adjusted purely based on current population, Uttar Pradesh could get 240 seats (up from 80), while Kerala may only see a marginal increase, leading to political imbalance.
- Challenges in Readjustment
- Rewarding Population Growth: States that failed in population control would gain more seats, while disciplined states lose influence.
- Federal Tensions: Southern states fear reduced political clout in Parliament, as seen in Tamil Nadu CM M.K. Stalin’s recent conclave of southern leaders.
- Practical Constraints: The Lok Sabha chamber’s capacity (~800 seats) limits expansion, necessitating a rational formula.
- Proposed Solutions
- Kerala as a Benchmark: Since Kerala recorded the lowest population growth (68%) since 1971, a 68% proportional increase in seats for all states could maintain equity.
- Uttar Pradesh: 80 → 134 seats
- Kerala: 20 → 34 seats
- Tamil Nadu: 39 → 66 seats
- Alternative Formula: Adjusting seat-to-population ratio to 15 lakh per constituency (instead of 10 lakh) could moderate disparities.
- Constitutional Amendment: Revisiting Article 81(2)(a) to incorporate performance-based incentives for population control.
Way Forward
- Consensus Building: Engage states in dialogue to ensure federal cooperation.
- Multi-Criteria Approach: Consider factors like demographic performance, economic contribution, and regional balance alongside population.
- Legal Safeguards: Amend constitutional provisions to prevent disproportionate gains for states with unchecked population growth.
Conclusion
The readjustment of Lok Sabha seats is not merely a demographic exercise but a test of India’s federal equity. A purely population-based approach risks deepening regional disparities. Instead, a balanced formula, rewarding states for progressive policies while maintaining political equilibrium, is essential to uphold the spirit of the Constitution as a “Union of States.”
Previous Year Question Link:
2019 (GS-2): “The Indian Constitution exhibits centralising tendencies to maintain unity and integrity. Discuss.” (Relevance: Federalism and equitable representation in Parliament.)
Q. "Despite global progress in food production, three billion people cannot afford a healthy diet. Discuss the challenges in ensuring access to nutrient-rich diets and suggest measures to address hidden hunger and malnutrition."
Introduction
A healthy diet is fundamental for human well-being, yet billions suffer from “hidden hunger”—micronutrient deficiencies due to inadequate nutrition. While calorie-sufficient diets are affordable for many, nutrient-dense diets remain out of reach for nearly three billion people globally, particularly in low-income countries. The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) highlights that a healthy diet costs four times more than a basic calorie-sufficient one, exacerbating malnutrition and health disparities.
Body
- Affordability and Accessibility Challenges
- High Cost of Nutrient-Dense Foods: A healthy diet, as per national dietary guidelines, costs an average of $3.67 per day, far exceeding the budgets of low-income households.
- Income Disparities: In poor countries, median incomes are often lower than the cost of a healthy diet, forcing people to rely on cheap, starch-based diets lacking essential nutrients.
- Subsistence Farming Limitations: Smallholder farmers, included in FAO estimates, often cannot produce enough diverse crops to meet nutritional needs.
- Hidden Hunger and Health Impacts
- Micronutrient deficiencies (iron, vitamin A, iodine) lead to stunted growth, weakened immunity, and cognitive impairments.
- Over-reliance on cereals and starchy foods results in protein-energy malnutrition and long-term health risks.
- Structural and Economic Barriers
- Food Inflation and Supply Chains: Volatile food prices and inefficient distribution systems make nutritious foods expensive.
- Lack of Dietary Diversity: Cultural preferences and limited agricultural diversification restrict access to varied food groups.
Way Forward
- Subsidies and Price Controls: Governments should incentivize the production and consumption of nutrient-rich foods through subsidies (e.g., fortified crops) and price regulation.
- Agricultural Diversification: Promoting biofortified crops (e.g., iron-rich beans, vitamin A-enriched sweet potatoes) can enhance dietary quality.
- Public Awareness and Nutrition Programs: Initiatives like India’s POSHAN Abhiyaan must emphasize dietary diversity and maternal-child nutrition.
- Social Safety Nets: Expanding food security schemes (e.g., PDS with millets, pulses) can improve affordability for vulnerable groups.
- Global Cooperation: Partnerships like the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal (SDG 2) must prioritize reducing malnutrition through equitable food systems.
Conclusion
Ensuring access to healthy diets is not just a food security issue but a public health imperative. Addressing affordability, agricultural productivity, and policy interventions can bridge the gap between calorie sufficiency and nutritional adequacy. Without urgent action, hidden hunger will continue to undermine global development.
Previous Year Link:
- UPSC 2021 (GS-2): “Hunger and Poverty are the biggest challenges for good governance in India. In light of this statement, discuss the efficacy of government measures to address malnutrition.” (Relevance: Both questions highlight malnutrition and policy interventions.)
Q. "Discuss the key challenges and opportunities in achieving equitable and accessible healthcare in India, with special reference to maternal and child health, digital health innovations, and disease burden. Suggest measures to strengthen India’s healthcare system in line with Sustainable Development Goal 3."
Introduction
World Health Day 2025, with the theme ‘Healthy Beginnings, Hopeful Futures’, underscores the importance of maternal and child health, a critical area for India given its large population and existing healthcare disparities. Despite progress through schemes like Ayushman Bharat and digital health initiatives, India faces challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, high out-of-pocket expenditure, and a dual disease burden (infectious and non-communicable diseases). Addressing these issues is vital for achieving Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG 3) on good health and well-being.
Body
- Maternal and Child Health:
- India has made strides with programs like Pradhan Mantri-Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) and Poshan Abhiyaan, yet malnutrition persists (35% stunting in children, 57% anemia in women).
- Rural healthcare suffers from shortages of medical staff and diagnostic facilities, with only 35-40% of infrastructure catering to 70% of the rural population.
- Way Forward: Strengthen Health and Wellness Centres (HWCs), incentivize rural postings for doctors, and improve last-mile delivery of nutrition schemes.
- Disease Burden and Healthcare Financing:
- Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like diabetes and heart disease account for 65% of deaths, driven by lifestyle factors and pollution.
- Public health spending remains low (1.97% of Budget 2025-26), and high out-of-pocket expenses push millions into poverty annually.
- Way Forward: Increase health budget to 2.5% of GDP, expand preventive care (screenings, health education), and enforce stricter anti-pollution measures.
- Digital Health Innovations:
- Initiatives like Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission and eSanjeevani (10 crore teleconsultations) show promise, but rural internet access (only 37%) and digital illiteracy hinder equity.
- Cybersecurity risks and lack of data privacy laws may erode trust.
- Way Forward: Expand rural broadband connectivity, train frontline workers in digital tools, and enact robust data protection laws (e.g., Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023).
- Building Resilience and Global Alignment:
- India’s G20 presidency highlighted leadership in vaccine equity and digital health. However, mental health (14% prevalence, per NIMHANS) and climate-related health risks need urgent attention.
- Way Forward: Strengthen Tele-MANAS for mental health, integrate climate resilience into health policies, and align with Global Health Security Agenda.
Conclusion
India’s healthcare system stands at a crossroads, balancing its demographic dividend with systemic inefficiencies. By prioritizing preventive care, equitable digital access, and higher public health funding, India can transition from a reactive healthcare model to a proactive, inclusive one. As the nation aspires to become a ‘Viksit Bharat’ by 2047, a resilient and well-funded health system must be at the core of its development strategy.
Previous Year Linkages
- 2023: “Critically examine the role of digital health technologies in bridging the healthcare divide in India.”
- 2021: “Discuss the challenges of malnutrition in India and evaluate the effectiveness of government schemes in addressing them.”
- 2019: “How far do you agree that the National Health Policy 2017 has been able to address the systemic issues of India’s healthcare system?”
Q. Despite legal and policy measures, transgender individuals in India continue to face systemic discrimination in education, employment, and healthcare. Critically examine the challenges and suggest measures for their socio-economic inclusion.
Introduction:
International Transgender Day of Visibility (March 31) highlights the persistent struggles of transgender individuals in India. Despite progressive laws like the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, deep-rooted social stigma, economic exclusion, and institutional barriers hinder their inclusion. While legal recognition is a step forward, ground realities remain grim, necessitating stronger implementation and societal change.
Challenges Faced by Transgender Community:
- Weak Implementation of Legal Safeguards:
- The 2019 Act mandates identity cards within 30 days, but delays persist (e.g., only 23 cards issued in Delhi despite a 4,200-strong population).
- Lack of provisions to address police harassment, family rejection, and social exclusion.
- Economic Marginalisation:
- Employment Barriers: 92% of transgender individuals are excluded from formal jobs (NHRC, 2018), with 48% unemployment (2022 study).
- Workplace Discrimination: Hostility, lack of gender-neutral facilities, and hiring biases persist despite corporate initiatives (e.g., Tata Steel hiring 100+ transgender employees).
- Financial Exclusion: Limited access to credit and banking facilities despite recent policy clarifications.
- Educational Disparities:
- Literacy rate at 56.1% (vs. national 74.04%, Census 2011).
- High dropout rates due to bullying (e.g., 58% in Kerala).
- Lack of nationwide inclusive policies despite state-level efforts (e.g., Kerala’s university reservations).
- Healthcare Inequities:
- 27% denied healthcare due to gender identity (NALSA survey).
- High costs of gender-affirming care (₹2-5 lakh) with poor insurance coverage.
- Shortage of trained professionals and mental health support.
Measures for Socio-Economic Inclusion:
- Strengthening Legal & Policy Implementation:
- Streamline identity card issuance and enforce anti-discrimination clauses.
- Criminalise harassment and mandate sensitisation for law enforcement.
- Economic Empowerment:
- Reservations & Incentives: Quotas in public sector jobs, subsidies for transgender entrepreneurs.
- Corporate Policies: Mandate diversity hiring (e.g., SEBI guidelines for LGBTQ+ inclusion in CSR).
- Financial Inclusion: Expand government-backed loans and joint account facilities.
- Education Reforms:
- Gender-Sensitive Curriculum: Introduce transgender-inclusive content in schools.
- Scholarships & Hostels: Expand state-level models (e.g., Kerala’s hostel reservations).
- Healthcare Access:
- Insurance Coverage: Include gender-affirming treatments under Ayushman Bharat.
- Specialised Clinics: Establish transgender healthcare wings in district hospitals.
- Social Awareness & Media Representation:
- Sensitisation Programs: Integrate gender education in schools and workplaces.
- Positive Media Portrayals: Showcase transgender individuals in diverse roles beyond stereotypes.
Way Forward:
True inclusion requires moving beyond symbolic measures. A multi-stakeholder approach—government, private sector, and civil society—must ensure:
- Policy Enforcement: Strengthen implementation of existing laws.
- Affirmative Action: Economic and educational reservations.
- Societal Change: Grassroots sensitisation and inclusive media narratives.
As India progresses toward equitable development, empowering transgender individuals is not just a moral imperative but also essential for sustainable growth. Collective efforts can transform visibility into genuine equality.
Q. "Examine the progress and challenges in the implementation of Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN) under the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Suggest measures to strengthen FLN acquisition in India.
Introduction
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 identifies Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN) as an urgent national mission, aiming to ensure that every child attains basic reading and arithmetic skills by Grade 2. Initiatives like NIPUN Bharat have been launched to operationalize this goal. While progress has been made, challenges persist in translating policy into effective classroom practices.
Progress in FLN Implementation
- Policy Awareness & Training:
- ASER 2024 reports that over 80% of rural schools received government directives on FLN activities, and 75% of teachers underwent in-person training.
- Teachers demonstrate a clear understanding of FLN’s importance, indicating successful policy communication.
- Improved Learning Outcomes:
- ASER data shows improved foundational learning levels, particularly in government schools—a first in two decades.
- Increased focus on Teaching-Learning Materials (TLM) and activity-based learning marks a shift from rote methods.
- State-Level Initiatives:
- Some states provide post-training support, including mentorship and monitoring, though effectiveness varies.
Challenges in FLN Implementation
- Teacher Support & Adaptation Gaps:
- Many teachers lack post-training guidance and struggle to adapt FLN methods to diverse classroom settings (e.g., multi-grade or overcrowded classrooms).
- TLM usage remains teacher-centric; students rarely engage directly due to logistical issues like storage and durability.
- Syllabus Completion Pressure:
- Despite FLN’s emphasis, teachers prioritize syllabus completion due to traditional assessment systems.
- Continuous and Comprehensive Evaluation (CCE) often remains exam-driven rather than formative.
- Inconsistent Monitoring & Compliance Focus:
- Many states focus on data collection compliance rather than actual learning improvements.
- Only a few states have officials demonstrating classroom activities, limiting practical adoption.
Way Forward
- Strengthening Teacher Support Systems:
- Introduce regular mentoring programs and peer-learning platforms for teachers to share challenges and solutions.
- Provide context-specific training, addressing issues like multi-grade classrooms and resource constraints.
- Enhancing TLM Accessibility & Usage:
- Develop low-cost, durable TLMs and allocate dedicated storage spaces in classrooms.
- Encourage student-centric TLM usage through structured guidelines and hands-on workshops.
- Reforming Assessment Mechanisms:
- Shift from syllabus-driven evaluations to competency-based assessments aligned with FLN goals.
- Use FLN assessment data to modify teaching strategies rather than just compliance reporting.
- Decentralized & Adaptive Implementation:
- Empower block- and district-level officials to tailor FLN strategies based on local needs.
- Promote community involvement to sustain FLN focus beyond school hours.
Conclusion
While NEP 2020 and NIPUN Bharat have brought FLN to the forefront, systemic challenges in teacher support, assessment rigidity, and resource allocation need addressing. A flexible, student-centered approach with robust monitoring can ensure that FLN becomes a reality for every child, fulfilling the vision of an equitable and literate India.
Q. The NDA government claims to have redefined women-led development through targeted welfare schemes. Critically examine the scope, impact, and future direction of these initiatives in promoting gender empowerment.
📍Syllabus Linkage:
- GS Paper II – Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections, Women and Child Development
- GS Paper II – Role of civil services and government policies in development
- GS Paper I – Social empowerment, development and inclusion of women
Introduction
Women-led development has emerged as a key policy theme under the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government over the past 11 years. On the eve of completing one year of its third term (June 2025), Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated that the government’s targeted schemes have aimed at transforming women from passive beneficiaries to active stakeholders in national development. While these initiatives have achieved notable progress in areas like health, sanitation, and entrepreneurship, challenges remain in ensuring inclusivity, sustainability, and structural empowerment.
Body
- Major Initiatives for Women Empowerment
- Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM):
Over 11 crore toilets built, improving women’s dignity and health, especially in rural India (Source: Ministry of Jal Shakti, 2024). - Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY):
More than 10 crore LPG connections provided, promoting smoke-free kitchens and better respiratory health for women (Source: MoPNG, May 2025). - Jan Dhan Yojana:
Over 28 crore women hold bank accounts under PMJDY, enabling financial inclusion and direct benefit transfers (Source: Ministry of Finance, 2025). - MUDRA Yojana:
Approx. 70% of loans under MUDRA were issued to women entrepreneurs, encouraging economic independence and microenterprise development (Source: MUDRA Annual Report, 2024). - PM Awas Yojana (Urban and Rural):
Mandatory female co-ownership has empowered women as homeowners, enhancing security and status in families. - Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (BBBP):
Led to increased awareness and improved sex ratio at birth in many districts; however, concerns persist over budget utilization. - Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM):
Households with tap water connections rose from 3.23 crore (2019) to 15.64 crore (May 2025), reducing water collection burden on women (Source: Ministry of Jal Shakti). - Maternal Health Outcomes:
Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) declined from 167 (2011–13) to 93 (2019–21) per 1 lakh live births (Source: SRS, Registrar General of India, 2022).
- Limitations and Challenges
- Skewed Urban-Rural Access: Beneficiary concentration remains uneven, with rural and tribal women still facing gaps in service delivery.
- Quality vs Quantity: While coverage has expanded, service quality and monitoring mechanisms remain weak.
- Low Workforce Participation: Female labour force participation remains at 24% (PLFS 2023-24), despite entrepreneurship schemes.
- Limited Legal Empowerment: Social and legal barriers continue to limit women’s agency in marriage, property, and the workplace.
Way Forward
- Bridge Implementation Gaps
Strengthen last-mile delivery, especially in Aspirational Districts and tribal belts. - Boost Female Workforce Participation
Offer childcare support, skill development, and gender-sensitive workplace norms. - Strengthen Monitoring and Transparency
Use real-time dashboards and community audits to track scheme performance and feedback. - Policy Synergy
Integrate women’s empowerment goals across health, education, digital literacy, and climate resilience programs.
Conclusion
The NDA government has demonstrated political commitment to mainstreaming women in the development process through a series of impactful welfare schemes. However, the next phase must focus on deepening structural empowerment—where women are not just beneficiaries but also leaders, decision-makers, and change agents. Inclusive governance, participatory policymaking, and rights-based approaches will be key to transforming intent into long-term impact.
Previous Year Questions Linkage:
- GS2 (2017): “‘Women empowerment in India needs gender budgeting.’ What are the requirements and status of gender budgeting in India?”
- GS1 (2021): “How have the social reform movements of the 19th century helped in the emancipation of women in India?”
- GS2 (2020): “‘Empowering women is the key to control population growth.’ Discuss.”